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第一篇:《世界名人英语演讲稿》
心灵英语：世界名人演讲稿集萃演讲稿
经典的书契能够给人以美的享受，发人深省的演讲能够给人以力量，特整理了经典的名人英文演讲，但愿广大朋友能够在阅读的时候，不仅能够提高英语水平，还能在人生的认识中产生一些新的启示！为了
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经典的书契能够给人以美的享受，发人深省的演讲能够给人以力量，特整理了经典的名人英文演讲，但愿广大朋友能够在阅读的时候，不仅能够提高英语水平，还能在人生的认识中产生一些新的启示！
为了易于各人学习和理解，我尽可能加上名人生平先容和历史违景先容。 罗斯福：国会珍珠港演讲(中英文对照)
Mr.Vice President,Mr.Speaker,Members of the Senate,and of the House of
Representatives：
Yesterday,December 7th,1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United
States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air
forces of the Empire of Japan.
The United States was at peace with that nation and,at the solicitation of
Japan,was still in conversation with its government and its emperor
looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.
以下是富兰克林·罗斯福国会珍珠港演讲英文原文：
Mr.Vice President,Mr.Speaker,Members of the Senate,and of the House of
Representatives：
Yesterday,December 7th,1941--a date which will live in infamy--the United
States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air
forces of the Empire of Japan.
The United States was at peace with that nation and,at the solicitation of
Japan,was still in conversation with its government and its emperor
looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.
点这儿在线下载：罗斯福：国会珍珠港演讲音频
Indeed,one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the
American island of Oahu,the Japanese ambassador to the United States and
his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State aformal reply to arecent
American message.And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to
continue the existing diplomatic negotiations,it contained no threat or
hint of war or of armed attack.
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it
obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks
ago.During the intervening time,the Japanese government has deliberately
sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of
hope for continued peace.
The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to
American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many
American lives have been lost.In addition,American ships have been
reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francis co and
HonoluluYesterday,the Japanese government also launched an attack against
Malaya.
Last night,Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.
Last night,Japanese forces attacked Guam.【世界名人英语演讲稿5篇】
Last night,Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.
Last night,the Japanese attacked Wake Island.
And thi--orning,the Japanese attacked Midway Island.
Japan has,therefore,undertaken asurprise offensive extending throughout
the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The【世界名人英语演讲稿5篇】
people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well
understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
As commander in chief of the Army and Navy,I have directed that all
measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation
remember the character of the onslaught against us.
No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated
invasion,the American people in their righteou--ight will win through to
absolute victory.
I believe that Iinterpret the will of the Congress and of the people when
Iassert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost,but will
make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again
endanger us.
Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people,our
territory,and our interests are in grave danger.
With confidence in our armed forces,with the unbounding determination of
our people,we will gain the inevitable triumph--so help us God.
I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly
attack by Japan on Sunday,December 7th,1941,a state of war has existed
between the United States and the Japanese empire.
以下是富兰克林·罗斯福国会珍珠港演讲中文翻译：
致美国国会：
昨天，1941年12月7日--一个遗臭万年的日期--美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海军和空军蓄谋已久的俄然袭击。
合众国当时同该国处于和平状态，并且，根据日本的请求，当时仍在同该国政府和该国天皇举行着会话，但愿维持承平洋地域的和平，实际上，就在日本空队伍中队已经起头轰炸美国瓦胡岛然后一钟头，日本驻合众国大使及其同事还向国务卿提交处理了对美国最近致日方的信函的正式答复。虽则复函声言继续现行交际谈判已一无用法，它并未包罗关于战争或武装进击的威胁或暗示。
应该记录在案的是：思量到夏威夷同日本的间隔，此次进击显然是很多天乃至若干礼拜之前就已蓄谋筹谋的。在筹谋的历程中，日本政府通过虚假的声明和表示但愿维护和平处心积虑地棍骗合众国。
昨天对夏威夷群岛的进击，给美国海陆军军队造成了紧张的损伤。我遗憾地告诉各位，很多美国人损失了生命。此外，据报告，美国商船在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。
昨天，日本政府已策动了对马来亚的进击。
昨夜，日本军队袭击了喷鼻港。
昨夜，日本军队攻击了关岛。
昨夜，日本军队攻击了菲律宾群岛。
昨夜，日本人袭击了威克岛。
今晨，日本人袭击了中途岛。
因此，日本在整个承平洋地区范围承平洋地区范围策动了俄然攻势。发生在昨天和今天的事证实了这一点。美国人民很是明白，并且十分清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和保存的紧张事态。
作为三军总司令，我已申令，采取一切措施保卫我们的国家。
我们整个国家都将永远记住此次对我们的无耻进击。
不论要用多长的时间才气战胜此次蓄谋已久的入侵，美国人民以自己的公理力量必患上赢患上绝对的胜利。
我现在断言，我们不仅要作出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种形式的违信弃义永远不会再威胁到我们。我相信抒发了国会和人民的意志。
战争已经起头。我国人民，我国国土和我国利益都处于紧张危险之中，对此我们不必闪烁其辞。
相信我们的武装军队--依靠我国人民的坚定刻意--我们必将取患上最后的胜利--愿天主助我！
我要求国会宣布：自1941年12月7日--礼拜天日本举行无缘无故和鄙俚胆小的进击时起，合众国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。美国第32任总统富兰克林·D·罗斯福(Franklin
D.Roosevelt)(1933-1945)，一直被视为美国历史上最伟大的总统之一，是20世纪美国最孚人望和受爱戴的总统，也是美国历史上惟一蝉联4届总统的人，从1933年3月起，直至1945年4月去世时截止，担任职务长达12年。曾赢患上美国民众长达7周的高支持率，创下历史记录。
富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福出生于纽约。父亲詹姆斯·罗斯福是一个百万财主。母亲萨拉·德拉诺比父亲小26岁。罗斯福曾就读于哈佛大学和哥伦比亚大学。1910年任纽约州参议员。1913年任海军部副部长。1921年因患脊髓灰质炎致残。1928年任纽约州长。1932年竞选总统获胜。执政后，以"新政"对付经济危机，颇有成效，故获患上1936年、1940年、1944年大选蝉联。第二次世界大战初，美国采取不参与政策，但对希特勒采取倔强手段，以"租借法"支持同盟国。1941年底，美国参战。罗斯福代表美国两次参加同盟国"三巨头"会议。罗斯福政府提出了轴心国必需无条件投降的原则并获患上了实施。罗斯福提出了建立联合国的构想，也获患上了实施。63岁时由于脑溢血去世。
很多网友相信都看过影戏《珍珠港》(Pearl
Harbor)，第二次世界大战在欧亚大陆打的如火如荼，而跨海相隔的美国却隔岸不雅火，仿佛事不关己。直至1941年12月7日早晨7点53分，日本奇袭美军在夏威夷的基地珍珠港。次日，美国总统罗斯福在国会愤然揭晓了这篇的演讲，至此，承平洋战争全面爆发。日本狙击珍珠港的历史违景：
日本从1941年中起头向东南亚的发展引起了这个地域主要强国的不安，为了给日本一点颜色，美国冻结了对日本的经济贸易，其中重要的是高辛烷石油，没有石油日本的飞机无法仙游，舰艇无法在海中行驶，日本就无法继续对外扩张。
加上日本的石油只能维持半年的时间，日本明白，要么从其中国撤军，停止对外扩张，交际上向美国挨近。要么自组旗帜，南下夺取战略资源，继续加强对外侵略。南洋有美国，英国，荷兰的半殖民地，进兵南洋就等于向美盎司国宣战。
承平洋上的珍珠港是交通的主要枢纽，夏威夷东距美国西海岸，西距日本，西南到诸
岛群，北到阿拉斯加和白令海峡，都在2000海里到3000海里之间，跨越承平洋南来北往的飞机，都以夏威夷为中续站。日本认为先在承平洋上夺取制空制海权就意味着南下的道路没有阻碍畅通，必需先摧毁珍珠港，于是日本筹谋了珍珠港奇袭。
日本政府决定占领东南亚的资源作为对禁运的回答。他们不克不及假定，假如他们起头行动了，美国会在一旁袖手旁不雅?这是山本半百六思量事先覆灭美国在承平洋的力量的原因。日本联合舰队司令山本半百六袭击珍珠港的海军基地的计划是实现这个战略目的中的一个战术步骤。日本资料显示山本于1941年初起头思量袭击珍珠港。数月后，在做了一些预先考察后，他被批准起头准备这个行动。日本海军内部有强烈的阻挡这样一个行动的力量。山本威胁，假如这个行动被中止的话，他将引退。1941年夏，在一次由日本天皇亲自出席的御前会议上，这个行动正式被批准。11月，在另一次天皇亲自出席的御前会议上，出兵承平洋的决定被批准。在11月的会议上还决定，只有在美国完全同意日本主要要求的的环境下才放弃此次行动。
袭击珍珠港的目的是为了(至少暂时)覆灭美国海军在承平洋上的主力。袭击珍珠港计划的筹谋者山本半百六本人认为一次成功的袭击只能带来一年左右的战略上风。从1931年起头日本与中邦交战，此前天本占领了满洲。从1941年1月日本起头计划袭击珍珠港以取患上战略上风，颠末一些海军内部的讨论和争执后从年中起头日本海军起头为此次行动举行严格的训练。
日本计划的一部分是在袭击前(并且必需在袭击前)中止与美国的协商。到12月7日截止，日本驻华盛顿大使中的交际官一直在与美外洋交部举行很广泛的讨论，包括美国对日本在1941年夏入侵东南亚的反应。袭击前天本大使从日本交际部获患上了一封很长的电报，并受令在袭击前(华盛顿时间下午一时)将它递交国务卿科德尔·赫尔。但大使人员未能实时解码和打印这篇很长的国书。最后这篇宣战书在袭击后才递交给美国。这个延迟增长了美国对此次袭击的愤怒，它是罗斯福总统将这天称为"一个无耻的日期"的主要原因。山本上将似乎同意这个不雅点。在日美合拍的影戏《虎！虎！虎！》中他被援用说："我恐怕我们将一个甜睡的伟人叫醒了，现在他充满了愤怒。"(这句话山本本人可能从未说过，即使如此他似乎的确如此觉患上)。
实际上这篇国书在日本递交美国前就已经被美国解码了。乔治·卡特利特·马歇尔在读过这篇国著作后面立刻向夏威夷送出了一张紧急警告，但由于美军内部传送系统的混乱这篇电报不患上不通过民用电信局来传达。在路上它落空了它的"紧急"标志。袭击数钟头后一个年轻的日裔美国邮递员将这张电保送到美军司令部。林肯(1809~1865)
Lincoln，Abraham【世界名人英语演讲稿5篇】
美国总统(1861~1865)。1809年2月12日生于肯塔基州。自幼从事体力劳动，成年后当过雇农、船夫、小市肆伴计，也做过村落邮务员和土地测量员。
林肯没有受过系统的教诲，可是通过自学，涉猎了关于法律、文学、修辞学及历史等方面的书籍，尤其是专攻法律。1834~1840年4次被选入伊利诺伊州议会。1836年通过律师资格考试，开业当律师。1838年公开阻挡奴隶制，成为州议会辉格党的领袖。
1847年，当选为美国国会众议员。他的主张和活动代表北方资产阶层的利益。阻挡奴隶制度，但不是废奴主义者，阻挡立刻解放奴隶，更阻挡解放奴隶而不给奴隶主以赔偿。因此，在阻挡奴隶制问题上他归属温和派。1856年加入共和党。在1860年的总统选举中，共和党获胜，林肯当选为总统。不久，南方奴隶主策动叛乱，挑起南北战争。1862年五月林肯颁布《宅地法》，划定公民缴付10美元登记费，可在西部领取64.74公顷土地，耕种5年后归其所有。林肯为了早日恢复联邦的统一而积极筹谋和带领战争，但他最初不敢触动南方奴隶制度。1862年9月22日，由于战况不利和人--动的压力，揭晓预报性的《解放宣言》草案。这个宣言标志着林肯从阻挡奴隶制度改变为废奴主义者。1862年末，他不顾保守分
子一再施加的压力，拒不收回关于解放奴隶的决定，并在1863年1月1日揭晓正式的《解放宣言》。厥后又竭尽全尽力促使使国会两院通过宪法第13条修正案。该修正案划定在合众国国土上永远禁绝奴隶制。为了把阻挡奴隶制的战争举行到底，1863年，他坚决征召黑人参加部队，使成千累万的黑人走上战场，为战争的胜利作出了伟大的贡献。1864年3月，他升引U.S.格兰特为联邦军总司令，这对于内战的最后胜利起了相当重要的作用。
1864年11月林肯再次当选为总统。1865年4月14日晚，林肯在华盛顿的福特剧院里被维护奴隶制的狂热分子J.W.布思开枪打伤，翌晨逝世。林肯：葛底斯堡演讲(中英文) The Gettysburg Address Gettysburg,Pennsylvania November 19,1863 Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent,a new
nation,conceived in Liberty,and dedicated to the proposition that all men
are created equal.
Now we are engaged in agreat civil war,testing whether that nation,or any
nation so conceived and so dedicated,can long endure.We are met on agreat
battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate aportion of that
field,as afinal resting place for those who here gave their lives that
that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should
do this.
But,in alarger sense,we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can
not hallow--this ground.The brave men,living and dead,who struggled
here,have consecrated it,far above our poor power to add or detract.The
world will little note,nor long remember what we say here,but it can never
forget what they did here.It is for us the living,rather,to be dedicated
here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so
nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task
remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased【世界名人英语演讲稿5篇】
devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of
devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died
in vain--that this nation,under God,shall have anew birth of freedom--and
that government of the people,by the people,for the people,shall not
perish from the earth.
主讲：亚伯拉罕林肯
时间：1863年11月19日
地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡
八十七年之前，我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家，它孕育于自由，并且投身给一种理念，即所有人都是小时候起平等的。
时下，我们正在从事一次伟大的内战，我们在磨练，究竟这个国家，或任何一个有这种主张和这种信仰的国家，是否能长久存在。我们在那次战争的一个伟大的战场上集会。我们来到这里，奉献阿谁战场上的一部分土地，作为在此地为阿谁国家的保存而牺牲了自己生命的人的永世眠息之所。我们这样做，是十分合情合理的。
可是，就更深一层意义而言，我们是无从奉献这片土地的--无从使它成为圣地--也不克不及把它变为许多人景仰之所。那些在这里战斗的猛士，活着的和死去的，已使这块土地神圣化了，远非我们的菲薄能力所能左右。世人会半大注意，更不会长久想的起来我们在此地所说的话，然而他们将永远忘不了这些人在这里所做的事。相反，我们活着的人应该投身于那些曾在此作战的许多人所英勇推动而尚未完成的事情。我们应该在此投身于我们面前所
第二篇:《世界名人英语演讲》
[ti:罗斯福对日宣战演讲] [ar:富兰克林·罗斯福] [al:] [by:] [00:35.00]Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate,and of the House of Representatives: [00:48.00]Yesterday, December 7th, 1941 a date which will live in infamy the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan. [01:12.80]The United States was at peace with that nation and,at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific. [01:36.50]Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, [01:48.50]the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. [02:04.00]And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations,it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack. [02:23.00]It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. [02:42.00] During the intervening time,theJapanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace. [02:59.00]The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. [03:12.50]I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. [03:19.00]In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu. [03:29.00]Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya. [03:35.00]Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong. [03:44.00]Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam. [03:49.00]Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands. [03:55.00]Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island. [04:01.00]And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island. [04:06.00]Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. [04:17.00]The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. [04:25.00]The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation. [04:40.00]As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. [04:50.00]But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us. [05:10.00]No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory. [05:55.50]I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, [06:06.00]but will make it very certain that this form of treac
hery shall never again endanger us. [06:27.00]Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger. [06:41.00]With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph so help us God. [07:10.00]I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, [07:25.00]December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.
第三篇:《名人英语演讲稿》
名人英语演讲稿
Tribute to Diana
致戴安娜——查尔斯·斯宾塞
Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity. All over the world, a standard bearer for the right of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcend nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless.
在全世界，戴安娜是同情心、责任心、风度和美丽的化身，是无私和人道的象征，是维护真正被践踏的权益的旗手，是一个超越国界的英国女孩，是一个带有自然的高贵气质的人，是一个不分阶层的人。【世界名人英语演讲稿5篇】
This is the text of Earl Spencer's tribute to his sister at her funeral. There is some very deep, powerful and heartfelt sentiment. Would that those at whom it is aimed would take heed. The versions posted on several news services had minor errors. This is precisely as it was deliverd.
I stand before you today the representative of a family in grief, in a country in mourning before a world in shock.【世界名人英语演讲稿5篇】
We are all united not only in our desire to pay our respects to Diana but rather in our need to do so.
For such was her extraordinary appeal that the tens of millions of people taking part in this service all over the world via television and radio who never actually met her, feel that they, too, lost someone close to them in the early hours of Sunday morning. It is a more remarkable tribute to Diana than I can ever hope to offer her today.
Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity, a standard-bearer for the rights of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcended nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless, who proved in the last year that she needed no royal title to continue to generate her particular brand of magic.
Today is our chance to say "thank you" for the way you brightened our lives, even though God granted you but half a life. We will all feel cheated, always, that you were taken from us so young and yet we must learn to be grateful that you came along at all.
Only now you are gone do we truly appreciate what we are now without and we want you to know that life without you is very, very difficult.
We have all despaired at our loss over the past week and only the strength of the message you gave us through your years of giving has afforded us the strength to move forward.
There is a temptation to rush to canonize your memory. There is no need to do so. You stand tall enough as a human being of unique qualities not to need to be seen as a saint. Indeed to sanctify your memory would be to miss out on the very core of your being, your wonderfully mischievous sense of humor with the laugh that bent you double, your joy for life transmitted wherever you took your smile, and the sparkle in those unforgettable eyes, your boundless energy which you could barely contain.
But your greatest gift was your intuition, and it was a gift you used wisely. This is what underpinned all your wonderful attributes. And if we look to analyze what it was about you that had such a wide appeal, we find it in your instinctive feel for what was really important in all our lives.
Without your God-given sensitivity, we would be immersed in greater ignorance at the anguish of AIDS and HIV sufferers, the plight of the homeless, the isolation of lepers, the random destruction of land mines. Diana explained to me once that it was her innermost feelings of suffering that made it possible for her to connect with her constituency of the rejected.
And here we come to another truth about her. For all the status, the glamour, the applause, Diana remained throughout a very insecure person at heart, almost childlike in her desire to do good for others so she could release herself from deep feelings of unworthiness of which her eating disorders were merely a symptom.
The world sensed this part of her character and cherished her for her vulnerability, whilst admiring her for her honesty. The last time I saw Diana was on July the first, her birthday, in London, when typically she was not taking time to celebrate her special day with friends but was guest of honor at a fund-raising charity evening.
She sparkled of course, but I would rather cherish the days I spent with her in March when she came to visit me and my children in our home in South Africa. I am proud of the fact that apart from when she was on public display meeting President Mandela, we managed to contrive to stop the ever-present paparazzi from getting a single picture of her.
That meant a lot to her.
These were days I will always treasure. It was as if we'd been transported back to our childhood, when we spent such an enormous amount of time together, the two youngest in the family.
Fundamentally she hadn't changed at all from the big sister who mothered me as a baby, fought with me at school and endured those long train journeys between our parents' homes with me at weekends. It is a tribute to her level-headedness and strength that despite the most bizarre life imaginable after her childhood, she remained intact, true to herself.
There is no doubt that she was looking for a new direction in her life at this time. She talked
endlessly of getting away from England, mainly because of the treatment she received at the hands of the newspapers.
I don't think she ever understood why her genuinely good intentions were sneered at by the media, why there appeared to be a permanent quest on their behalf to bring her down. It is baffling. My own, and only, explanation is that genuine goodness is threatening to those at the opposite end of the moral spectrum.
It is a point to remember that of all the ironies about Diana, perhaps the greatest was this; that a girl given the name of the ancient goddess of hunting was, in the end, the most hunted person of the modern age.
She would want us today to pledge ourselves to protecting her beloved boys William and Harry from a similar fate. And I do this here, Diana, on your behalf. We will not allow them to suffer the anguish that used regularly to drive you to tearful despair.
Beyond that, on behalf of your mother and sisters, I pledge that we, your blood family, will do all we can to continue the imaginative and loving way in which you were steering these two exceptional young men, so that their souls are not simply immersed by duty and tradition but can sing openly as you planned.
We fully respect the heritage into which they have both been born, and will always respect and encourage them in their royal role. But we, like you, recognize the need for them to experience as many different aspects of life as possible, to arm them spiritually and emotionally for the years ahead. I know you would have expected nothing less from us.
William and Harry, we all care desperately for you today. We are all chewed up with sadness at the loss of a woman who wasn't even our mother. How great your suffering is we cannot even imagine.
I would like to end by thanking God for the small mercies he has shown us at this dreadful time; for taking Diana at her most beautiful and radiant and when she had joy in her private life.
Above all, we give thanks for the life of a woman I am so proud to be able to call my sister: the unique the complex, the extraordinary and irreplaceable Diana, whose beauty, both internal and external, will never be extinguished from our minds.
第四篇:《英语名人演讲稿》
第五篇:《世界名人演讲精选 英文版》
1. I have a dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This Momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize the shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are "insufficient funds" in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we've come to cash this check-a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. I say to you today. my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American Dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up. live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia. sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners, will they be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream, that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream, that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character, I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low; the rough places will be made plain; and the crooked places will be made straight; and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope.
So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that, let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside. Let freedom ring and when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last, free at last, thank God almighty, we are free at last."
2. NEW YORK SENATE RACE SPEECH
By HILARY CLINTON
You know, you know, we started this great effort on a sunny July morning in Pinders Corner on Pat and Liz Moynihan's beautiful farm and 62 counties, 16 months, 3 debates, 2 opponents, and 6 black pantsuits later, because of you, here we are.
You came out and said that issues and ideals matter, jobs matter, downstate and upstate, health care matters, education matters, the environment matters, social security matters, a woman's right to choose matters. It all matters and I just want to say from the bottom of my heart, thank you, New York!
Thank you for opening up your minds and your hearts, for seeing the possibility of what we could do together for our children and for our future here in this state and in our nation. I am profoundly grateful to all of you for giving me the chance to serve you.
I will - I will do everything I can to be worthy of your faith and trust and to honor the powerful example of Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan. I would like all of you and the countless New Yorkers and Americans watching to join me in honoring him for his incredible half century of service to New York and our nation. Senator Moynihan, on behalf of New York and America, thank you.
I promise you tonight that I will reach across party lines to bring progress for all of New York's families. Today we voted as Democrats and Republicans. Tomorrow we begin again as New Yorkers.
And how fortunate we are indeed to live in the most diverse, dynamic and beautiful state in the entire union. You know, from the South Bronx to the Southern Tier, from Brooklyn to Buffalo, from Montauk to Massena, from the world's tallest skyscrapers to breathtaking mountain ranges, I've met people whose faces and stories I will never forget. Thousands of New Yorkers from all 62 counties welcomed to me into your schools, your local diners, your factory floors, your living rooms and front porches. You taught me, you tested me and you shared with me your challenges and concerns - about overcrowded or crumbling schools, about the struggle to care for growing children and aging parents, about the continuing challenge of providing equal opportunity for all and about children moving away from their home towns because good jobs are so hard to find in upstate New York. Now I've worked on issues like these for a long time, some of them for 30 years, and I am determined to make a difference for all of you.
You see, I believe our nation owes every responsible citizen and every responsible family the tools that they need to make the most of their own lives. That's the basic bargain. I'll do my best to
honor in the United States Senate.
And to those of you who did not support me, I want you to know that I will work in the Senate for you and for all New Yorkers. And to those of you who worked so hard and never lost faith even in the toughest times, I offer you my undying gratitude.
3. The 73rd Annual Academy Awards
Steve Martin (MC): Thank you very much. Thank you very much. You know, when they asked me, back in January, if I would host the Oscars, the first thought that came into my mind was， would there be enough time for my face lift to heal. And right now, all over the world, there are eight hundred million people watching us right now. And anyone of them is thinking the exact same thought - that we're all gay. But that is what is great about show business, it's a tolerant business. It's the most tolerant in the world. You have black people, white people, Asians, Hispanics, Jews, Christians, all working together. All because of a single common love: publicity. People say to me, "Steve, you're a Hollywood actor. You must be so separated from the world. How do you keep in touch with ordinary life?" Well, it is possible, and it can be done. Like the other day I was having dinner at my house with Mel, Julia, Tom and Gwyneth. Now, earlier Mel had called and wanted to bring a friend, you know, some guy who helps children. And I said, "Mel, let's just keep it names above the title." And he understood and he was fine with that. And then Tom said, "You know, you just can't get decent sunglasses anymore." And Julia said, "Well there's a great sunglasses shop in Beverly Hills." So I said to Tom, "You know, the next time you have your driver drop your kids off at school, why don't you have him pick you up a pair of sunglasses?" And Tom said, "Well, I drop my kids off at school." And I said, "What?" And then Tom said to Gwyneth that he loved Shakespeare In Love, and then Gwyneth said to Tom that she loved Cast Away, and then Julia said to Mel that she loved What Women Want, and Mel said to Julia that he loved Erin Brockovitch, and then it was late and they all went home. And I thought, this is what I've always dreamed about: dinner at home with friends where we discuss the arts. So I'm pleased to introduce our first presenter, one of the stars of Traffic, Catherine Zeta-Jones.
Catherine Zeta-Jones: Good evening. Centuries before man knew how to count the years, he knew how to draw pictures. Cavemen illustrated their walls with their dreams. Today's dreams are projected on the walls of multiplexes, illustrated by the movies' art directors, whom we now honor. For Best Achievement in Art Direction, the nominees are: Tim Yip, whose designs provided the perfect setting for blending fantasy and legend in Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon. Michael Corenblith for the art direction, and Merideth Boswell for the set decoration of that Yule-tide Tale of Dr. Seuss' How The Grinch Stole Christmas. Arthur Max for the art direction, and Crispian Sallis for the set decoration that depicted the glory of the Roman Empire in Gladiator. Martin Childs for the art direction and Jill Quertier for the set decoration of the pained and turbulent life of the Marquis De Sade in Quills. And from a different page in French history is the art direction of Jean Rabasse and the set decoration of Francoise Benoit Fresco that captured the culinary perfection of Vatel. And the Oscar goes to Tim Yip for Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon.
4. Hillary Clinton: New kid on the block
Yale Student: We've got one of our own Yale Senators right here with us on stage.
Only the warmest of welcomes from Yale's graduating class, its 300th. Her address combined humor...
Hillary Clinton: In all the years since I have been at Yale, the most important thing that I have to say today is that hair matters.
...politics and reminiscences from her years as a Yale University law student. But her main theme: a plea for students not to turn away from the political process.
Hillary Clinton: Bring your values and experiences and insights into politics. Dare to help make, not just a difference in politics, but create a different politics.
Hillary Clinton: President Bush's extremely large tax plan would spend trillions we don't have and may never have. If we reverse the engines of economic growth by adopting President Bush's tax proposal, I fear that we will reverse the progress we've made by increasing interest rates now and by saddling our children with big debts in the future. I know and respect that President Bush supports faith-based programs but his tax plan should not be one of them. Going forward with a huge tax proposal now is like getting a letter from Ed McMan and going out to buy a yacht. A surplus projection is not a promise. And if the past is any guide, it's not even a likely outcome. Hillary Clinton (At National Press Club): This is a very creative, imaginative group. No, I have said that I am not running. And I am having a great time being pres...of being a first-term, being a first-term Senator. You are going to get me into so much trouble.
5. World Stunt Awards 2002
John Cleese: For 40 years, one movie hero has been carrying out more death defying feats than any other. His name -- Coyote, Wile E. Coyote. But close behind him comes the man who made it acceptable to say " Octopussy in mixed company. An ice-cool Englishman for whom forcing an assassin to drop her Uzi is merely foreplay. It takes more than a tuxedo and devilish grin, and a string of one-liners to portray this legendary psychopath. But with top stunt men, he is transformed into a legend.
("And you might be..." "Bond, Bond, Bond... name's Bond, James Bond.")
Since the beginning of the James Bond series in 1962 with Doctor No, stunts have played a key role in the evolution of 007. And hundreds of stunt men and women have made Bond what he has become today.
John Cleese: 007 and his stunt team are back and ready to save the world, yet again, this time in Die Another Day. And now, in London, the two stars of the latest Bond adventure, the hideously ugly Halle Berry and the famously obese Pierce Brosnan.
Pierce Brosnan: And here we are at the Pinewood, ladies and gentleman. I hope you're all having a good evening tonight. Halle and myself are here for Bond 20. And to one and all there tonight we wish you great success in everything you do. Thank you. To all the stuntmen and stuntwomen. Halle Berry: Thank you!
Pierce Brosnan: You who really make actors, thespians like ourselves, look good. Couldn't do it without you.
Halle Berry: Especially the women, the women in movies get to look good, too, in all the Bond movies. So, thank you to the female stunt women of the world.
Pierce Brosnan: Yeah, bravo, God bless.
Halle Berry: Thank you!
Arnold Schwarzenegger: I present this award to Jackie because we have so much in common: We have both been born overseas, we both have had a lot of success in action films, and as people who understand the importance of stunt work, we really speak the same language. Jackie, congratulations on winning this year's Taurus Award.
Jackie Chan: Thank you, thank you, Arnold! I am honored to receive this "Best Action Star" award from the World Stunt Awards. I'm been in my movie business almost all my life. As an actor, director, producer, stunt coordinator, but I still consider myself as a stunt man. I know all the joys and pain, but the pain is mostly. But tonight I feel it's worth it, and also tonight I'm extra proud of standing here and honored by my peers. And also I see Chinese martial art have come together with Hollywood. Thank you so much! I love you all!
6. On His Ninetieth Birthday
(Oliver Wendell Holmes)
Mar. 7, 1931.
My friends
In this symposium, my better is it to only sit in silence. To express one's feelings as the end draws near is too intimate a task. That I would mention only one thought that comes to me as a listener-in: the riders in a race do not stop short when they reach the goal, there is a little finishing canter before coming to a standstill, there is time to hear the kind voice of friends, and to say to oneself, the work is done. But just as one says, that the answer comes the race is over but the work never is done while the power to work remains. The canter that brings you to a standstill need not be only coming to rest, it cannot be while you still live, but to live is to function, that is all there is in living. So I end with a land from a Latin voice who had heard the message more than fifteen hundred years ago: death, death, clutch my ear, and says, live, I am coming.
7. The Truman Doctrine
(Harry S. Truman)
Mar. 12, 1947.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the Congress of the United States:
The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a grand session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision concerns Greece and Turkey
The United States has received from the Greek government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary report from the American Economic Mission now in Greece, and reports from the American ambassador in Greece, collaborate the statement of the Greek government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation. I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek government.
Greece is not a rich country Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 194O, this industrious, peace-loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel, enemy-occupation, and bitter internal strife. When forces of Liberation entered Greece, they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed
第六篇:《世界名人英语演讲稿5篇》
演讲稿一：Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.
So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.
演讲稿二：
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free." And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation," a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
演讲稿三：
As Americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. We're grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. We're grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, Almighty God.
We also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. Throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. Many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.
The Thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. And through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. Almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank God after suffering through a bitter winter. George Washington held Thanksgiving during a trying stay at Valley Forge. And President Lincoln revived the Thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.
The past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and Americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. After lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating s again. Volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. And when the children of Beslan, Russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw America's generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.
The greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. We're fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. We're grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. And we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and making our entire nation proud.
Like generations before them, today's armed forces have liberated captive peoples and shown compassion for the suffering and delivered hope to the oppressed. In the past year, they have fought the terrorists abroad so that we do not have to face those enemies here at home. They've captured a brutal dictator, aided last month's historic election in Afghanistan, and help set Iraq on the path to democracy.
Our progress in the war on terror has made our country safer, yet it has also brought new burdens to our military families. Many servicemen and women have endured long deployments and painful separations from home. Families have faced the challenge of raising children while praying for a loved one's safe return. America is grateful to all our military families, and the families mourning a terrible loss this Thanksgiving can know that America will honor their sacrifices forever.
As Commander-in-Chief, I've been honored to thank our troops at bases around the world, and I've been inspired by the efforts of private citizens to express their own gratitude. This month, I met Shauna Fleming, a 15-year-old from California who coordinated the mailing of a million thank you letters to military personnel. In October, I met Ken Porwoll, a World War II veteran who has devoted years of his retirement to volunteering at a VA medical center in Minneapolis. And we've seen the generosity of so many organizations, like Give2theTroops, a group started in a basement by a mother and son that has sent thousands of care packages to troops in the field.
Thanksgiving reminds us that America's true strength is the compassion and decency of our people. I thank all those who volunteer this season, and Laura and I wish every American a happy and safe Thanksgiving weekend.
Thank you for listening.
演讲稿四：
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:
The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey. The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.
I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government. Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.
When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.
Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances, the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery. The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.
The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.
Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory. Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid. But these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn. No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.
The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.
We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.
It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.
No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The Government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.
The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.
Greek's [sic] neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention. The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.
Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support. Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East. The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey. As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.
I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time. One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.
To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.
The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently hadtotalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.
At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.
I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.
I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.
I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.
The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East. Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.
It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.
Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.
We must take immediate and resolute action. I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.
In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel. Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.
This is a serious course upon which we embark. I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace. The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment. It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.
We must keep that hope alive.
The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world. And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.
Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.
演讲稿五：
My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; s shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sanh.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new s, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.
"
第七篇:《名人励志演讲稿5篇》
演讲稿一：
大家好！
有一个故事，说的是一头驴，背着两捆草，饿了，到底放下哪一捆来吃呢？一直犹豫不决，结果饿死了。这个故事有些夸张，但人生很多路口，大家都会在路口上徘徊。做选择是很难很痛苦的，这边有诱惑，那边也有诱惑。到底选择哪个？我的同学都出国了，我是不是也应该去新东方学习准备考托福？我的发小考公务员了，我是不是也要买书复习了？电视上说有个人小学没毕业做电商就发财了，我是不是也要到淘宝上开个店铺？
你今天听到东边热闹往东跑，明天听到西边热闹，就掉头往西边跑。很多年下来，你就会变成一个没头苍蝇，东一榔头西一棒槌，疲于奔命，没有积累。我认为，如果你觉得自己还年轻，那一定要花点时间想一想，不说长了，就是未来的十到十五年时间，你到底要想成为怎样的人？未来十到十五年，你到底最想获得什么？这是最重要的。这个东西，你可以说是梦想，也可以说是价值观。
为什么？因为你一旦想清楚了，以后你无论做什么判断，做什么选择，那就简单多了。有助于实现我梦想的，我就干。没帮助，我就放弃。把梦想锚定，短期内不管你遇到什么诱惑，遭遇什么困难，都不会左右你判断和选择。
在这点上，我很幸运，在困难面前我很少摇摆，经常是一拍脑袋就做决定了。因为我上高中的时候，就想清楚了我这辈子要干什么。我不想要进到一个仰人鼻息的单位去，我就梦想着要开个自己的电脑公司编软件，自己安排生活和命运，而且做好了，很多人都用，这样很有成就感。
一旦有了这个想法，所有的选择都变得非常简单。比如我上高中的时候在全国物理竞赛上获过奖，很多大学都愿意录取我，各种专业五花八门。其中一所比较著名的大学，想录取我上食品工程专业。我父母听说以后十分高兴，他们经历过吃不饱饭的年代，觉得上了这个专业，以后就不愁吃饭了。但我坚决不同意，因为我对食品不感兴趣，我就是想编软件。当时西安交大也来录取我，我当时也不知道西安交大是干什么的，以为是修铁路的大学。但西安交大让我上计算机系，那我就去了，因为符合我的目标。相反，我很多同学根据当时热门不热门来选专业，很多人选了国际贸易。这种选择看起来很聪明，但现在看来，这未必是他们真正想要的，也未必是自己能够施展才华的地方。
你如果说，我的目标很简单，就是年薪50万。对这样的目标，我的建议是，目标不能太物质化。太短期、太物质化的目标不能内化成你的梦想。像年薪50万、100万这样的目标，你可能很快就实现了，然后就失去了梦想，没了目标，跟有些拿到巨额拆迁款的人一样，沉溺于赌博，把自己的未来都毁了；或者有的物质化目标很难实现，比如你想成为中国首富，可能你很快就放弃了。我认为，只有这种非利益化的梦想和目标，才能长期激励一个人不断地去追求。
我大学毕业时，也面临着选择。到底是去南方的某家银行工作，拿一月3000元的高薪，还是去北京的一家大型电脑公司，拿一月800元的工资？我没什么犹豫就选择了后者，因为只有到电脑公司，才能学习怎么做软件，才有机会实现我的梦想。
后来我离开这家电脑公司到互联网里去创业，有很多人说：“你太有勇气了，放弃了高薪和职位。”但是我觉得这不需要什么勇气。它已经不适合我了，没法帮助我实现自己的梦想。这些别人认为很珍贵的东西，对我来说是Nothing。所以，你的梦想和目标不跟物质挂钩，物质就不会成为你选择时的掣肘。
对于高中生来说，诱惑可能是某个看起来前景良好的专业。对于大学生来说，诱惑可能是一份待遇丰厚、人人艳羡的工作。但是随着你越走越远，物质的诱惑越来越大，你就更需要梦想这个坚定的罗盘来指引。
当年我要离开雅虎，因为在里面不能创新，很多好想法实现不了，这种氛围让我窒息，让我忍无可忍。雅虎说，要提前辞职，会扣我3000万美金。即使放到现在，这也是一笔不小的数目。很多人替我惋惜，说你再混个一年半载的。我不想混，也最痛恨混。对我来说，自由是最重要的，干自己想干的事儿是最重要的。于是，我再一次的创业。于是，有了360。
可以说，到今天我的梦想从来都没有变过，只是我所在的行业从计算机发展到了互联网，发展到了手机领域。我的目标很简单，一直都是要做出别人从来没有想过的产品，我的产品能够改变千千万万人的生活和工作方式。这个梦想，可以说我已经实现了，也可以说我还没有实现，因为我觉得还有更多好想法可以去做。
90后的年轻人有朝气，有活力，你们应该有更好的梦想。希望大家好好思考一下自己的未来。想想10年、15年后，大家再聚首的时候，你希望自己成为什么样的人，这才是最重要的。
谢谢大家！
演讲稿二：
我讲的题目是《幸福的哲学》。
我一辈子幸福感最强烈的时候，是什么时候？主要是两段时光。一段是谈恋爱的时候。
我在上初中的时候，就暗恋一个女生，她坐在我后面三四排的样子。【名人励志演讲稿5篇】名人励志演讲稿5篇。上课的时候我就老是回头去看她，后来慢慢地我就想让她知道我在看她，老去盯着她看，她也知道了。只要我回头看她，她就脸红了。我现在还记得她的样子，圆脸，经常穿一件绿色的衣服，那时候脑子里面老是在打腹稿，写情书，怎么样给她写情书。初三的时候，她坐在我旁边，那时候我就特别幸福。
然后我十七岁进了北京大学，那个真正是进入了青春期了。有一天我突然发现，世界上有这么多漂亮的姑娘，顿时觉得这个世界美好极了，人生美好极了。那个时候我写了很多很多诗，都是爱情诗，但是没有对象的。或者说看见一个可爱的女孩，就来写一首，其实我不认识她。她盯我一眼，我心跳半天，回去写一首诗。
爱情确实是人生幸福的，一个非常重要的内容。两个人相爱，不管爱了多久，可能后来分手了，但是你们在一起相爱的那段时间，都是美好的。如果说最后分手了，你们不要互相埋怨，都要感恩，感谢对方给了你一段美好的日子。现在很多人往往是怨，互相埋怨，我觉得没有必要。那有的人就说了，他说当然爱是美好的，但是他对我不是爱，他是骗了我。那我说，你也不要埋怨，你应该怎么样？你应该蔑视他，他不值得你爱，也不值得你怨。怨也是一种很重的感情，你要节省感情，不要浪费在他身上。
什么是爱？爱就是在人世间寻找一个最亲的亲人。一个好的婚姻能够经受住漫长岁月的考验，那就不但是美好的幸运的，而且是伟大的，这是人生的伟大成就，能够得到这么伟大成就的人是很少的。
这是一段时间。那么还有一段时光就是养孩子，自己当了父亲。有时候她妈妈看见我拿着奶瓶在那里给孩子喂奶，非常陶醉的样子，她就说：“你不要以为你在给孩子喂奶，这个奶水就是从你身上出来的。”我当时就回了她一句：“我说我真的感觉我整个变成了一个大奶瓶了。”但是毕竟不一样，她是真正用自己的身体在那里给孩子哺乳，我看的真是羡慕得不得了。
其实人生中的幸福，那些最本质的幸福是很简单、很平凡的。我们总是想去到远处寻找幸福，你可以去创造不平凡的事业，可以去创造卓越，去创造辉煌。但是，如果说你事业上非常风光，可是你的家庭生活一团糟，你根本没有时间跟自己的家人在一起，我觉得你的人生是有重大缺陷的。
无论你多么忙，都要和自己的家人一起吃晚饭，餐桌上一定要有笑声欢语，这个比有车有房有钱重要得多。一个人钱再多，他的车、他的房再豪华，如果没有这些，我说他是很可怜的，他在这个世界上是个孤魂野鬼。所以这是我讲的第一个观点，要珍惜平凡的生活。
你要享受生命，享受生命单纯的快乐。你要享受你的智力，享受老天给人的这些得天独厚的禀赋，这是做人的幸福。
我认为最重要的智力品质是什么？一个就是好奇心，对事物、对世界、对知识充满了兴趣。其实我在我女儿身上就看得很清楚，她小时候好奇心非常强烈。我的女儿啾啾，她四岁五岁的时候，她问她妈妈，她说：“妈妈，云的上面是什么？”妈妈说：“云的上面是星星。”她问：“星星的上面是什么？”妈妈说：“星星的上面还是星星吧。”她说：“我问的是最后的最后是什么？”妈妈说：“没有最后吧。”她奇怪了，她回过头来就问我，她说：“爸爸，这怎么会呢？”她指指我们家的天花板，她的意思说天也应该有个天花板吧？也应该有个最后吧？这个问的是什么问题？就是世界在空间上是有限还是无限的。
她又问她妈妈，她说：“妈妈，有一个问题你肯定回答不了。”妈妈说：“什么问题？”她说：“你告诉我世界的一辈子有多长？”这是世界在时间上有限和无限的问题。她又问，她说：“妈妈，世界上第一个人是从哪儿来的？”妈妈说：“中国神话里面说是女娲造的。”她马上问：“女娲是谁造的？”对生命、对人类的起源追根究底，这是典型的哲学性的追问。
那么又过了几天，她问我一个问题，她说：“爸爸，在世界的另一个地方，会不会还有另一个我？”我一听这个问题，我汗毛竖起来了。我说：“可能吧，说不定你还会遇到她呢。”她马上非常生气地打断我，她说：“不会的。”然后转过头去跟她妈妈说：“妈妈，有一天当你老了的时候。”实际上她是委婉地说，当你死了的时候。她说：“当你老了的时候，在世界的另一个地方，又会生存一个人来，那个人长得跟你完全不一样，但她就是你。”老天，她讲的是轮回，我的汗毛又竖起来了。
真的，孩子真不能小看，你们小时候一定也想过这种问题，提过这个问题，可能当时家长叫你不要胡思乱想。这哪是胡思乱想，这是最重要的问题，最根本的问题，想把人生的大问题弄清楚，要不生活得不踏实。有这种感觉的人，你就是有哲学天分的，看来我的女儿是有哲学天分的。但是自从进了小学以后，这样的问题就越来越少了，问的都是作业怎么做的问题了，一个哲学家就这样被扼杀了。
那么我们怎么样让孩子的聪明保持下来？教育到底要达到什么目的？现在的教育，它的目标太狭隘了，太可怜了。
英国有个哲学家叫怀特海，他说过一句话，他说什么是教育？教育就是等你把你在课堂上学的东西都忘记了，把你为考试而背诵的东西都忘记了，那剩下的东西就是教育。
所以，我经常也跟家长们谈，今天在坐的可能也有家长。做家长的应该怎么办？一条就是为素质教育加分，家庭里面最重要的教育就是熏陶。【名人励志演讲稿5篇】文章名人励志演讲稿5篇出自
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