【www.zhuodaoren.com--演讲稿】
第一篇:《外国名人的演讲稿》
外国名人的演讲稿
asking the devotees of civil rights, "when will you be
satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. we cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. we can never be satisfied as long as a negro in mississippi
cannot vote and a negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote. no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousnelike a mighty stream.
出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。
but there is something that i must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. in the proceof gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterneand hatred.
但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。
we must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗-议沦为暴-力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。
the marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the negro
community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。
we cannot walk alone.and as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. we cannot turn back. there are those who are
第二篇:《外国人眼中的社会主义核心价值观演讲稿.doc》
浅谈中西方意识的区别
研究小组：13708班第一组
小组成员：刘嘉鑫、周富贵、王泽宁、邢津凯、刘硕、孙毅铭、王一、张译、关珺骞、陈文静、陈玉秀、文闪闪、程俊杰
摘要：我们小组因为全组协调不够好，导致了上次没有按时完成任务。经过这次教训，我们重新进行分工，针对中西方的意识这一点进行了研究，深入探讨了以美国为代表的个人主义意识以及以中国、日本为代表的集体主义意识之间的区别。我们研究了DAVID BROOKS所编写的Harmony and the Dream一书，并从中节选出相关的介绍，从而支持我们的研究。
关键词：individualist mentality，collectivist mentality，harmony，duty，individual heroism，tribal philosophies
第一部分：原文
The world can be divided in many ways — rich and poor, democratic and
authoritarian — but one of the most striking is the divide between the societies with an individualist mentality and the ones with a collectivist mentality.
This is a divide that goes deeper than economics into the way people perceive the world. If you show an American an image of a fish tank, the American will usually describe the biggest fish in the tank and what it is doing. If you ask a Chinese person to describe a fish tank, the Chinese will usually describe the context in which the fish swim.
These sorts of experiments have been done over and over again, and the results reveal the same underlying pattern. Americans usually see individuals; Chinese and other Asians see contexts.
When the psychologist Richard Nisbett showed Americans individual pictures of a chicken, a cow and hay and asked the subjects to pick out the two that go together, the Americans would usually pick out the chicken and the cow. They’re both animals.
Most Asian people, on the other hand, would pick out the cow and the hay, since cows depend on hay. Americans are more likely to see categories. Asians are more likely to see relationships.
You can create a global continuum with the most individualistic societies — like the United States or Britain — on one end, and the most collectivist societies — like China or Japan — on the other.
The individualistic countries tend to put rights and privacy first. People in these societies tend to overvalue their own skills and overestimate their own importance to any group effort. People in collective societies tend to value harmony and duty. They tend to underestimate their own skills and are more self-effacing when describing their contributions to group efforts.
Researchers argue about why certain cultures have become more individualistic than others. Some say that Western cultures draw their values from ancient Greece, with its emphasis on individual heroism, while other cultures draw on more on tribal philosophies. Recently, some scientists have theorized that it all goes back to microbes. Collectivist societies tend to pop up in parts of the world, especially around the equator, with plenty of disease-causing microbes. In such an
environment, you’d want to shun outsiders, who might bring strange diseases, and enforce a certain conformity over eating rituals and social behavior.
Either way, individualistic societies have tended to do better economically. We in the West have a narrative that involves the development of individual reason and
conscience during the Renaissance and the Enlightenment, and then the subsequent flourishing of capitalism. According to this narrative, societies get more
individualistic as they develop.
But what happens if collectivist societies snap out of their economic stagnation? What happens if collectivist societies, especially those in Asia, rise economically and come to rival the West? A new sort of global conversation develops.
The opening ceremony in Beijing was a statement in that conversation. It was part of China’s assertion that development doesn’t come only through Western, liberal means, but also through Eastern and collective ones.
The ceremony drew from China’s long history, but surely the most striking features were the images of thousands of Chinese moving as one — drumming as one,【外国名人的演讲稿】
dancing as one, sprinting on precise formations without ever stumbling or colliding. We’ve seen displays of mass conformity before, but this was collectivism of the present — a high-tech vision of the harmonious society performed in the context of China’s miraculous growth.
If Asia’s success reopens the debate between individualism and collectivism (which seemed closed after the cold war), then it’s unlikely that the forces of individualism will sweep the field or even gain an edge.
For one thing, there are relatively few individualistic societies on earth. For another, the essence of a lot of the latest scientific research is that the Western idea of individual choice is an illusion and the Chinese are right to put first emphasis on social contexts.
Scientists have delighted to show that so-called rational choice is shaped by a whole range of subconscious influences, like emotional contagions and priming effects (people who think of a professor before taking a test do better than people who think of a criminal). Meanwhile, human brains turn out to be extremely permeable (they naturally mimic the neural firings of people around them). Relationships are the key to happiness. People who live in the densest social networks tend to flourish, while people who live with few social bonds are much more prone to depression and suicide.
The rise of China isn’t only an economic event. It’s a cultural one. The ideal of a harmonious collective may turn out to be as attractive as the ideal of the American Dream.
It’s certainly a useful ideology for aspiring autocrats.
第二部分：译文
社会可以有很多形式的划分---贫穷和富有，民主和专制---这些划分中，最吸人眼球之一的无疑是国家间以个人主义意识和集体主义意识来进行的划分。 这种划分远比简单以经济状态来认识一个世界来得更深刻。如果你让一个美国人描述一个鱼缸，这个美国人通常会描述最大的那条在做什么，如果你让一个中国人来描述的话，中国人通常会告诉你鱼儿在什么样的环境里游动。
这样的实验反复进行，得出的的结果无不相似。美国人通常更看重个体；而中国人和其他亚洲人则更注重环境。
心理学家理查德给一个美国人看一张图，上面有一只鸡，一头牛和一堆干草，他让他挑两样一起的，美国人通常挑鸡和牛，因为它们都是动物。而大多数亚洲人却会挑牛和干草，因为牛是吃草的。美国人更看重类别，而亚洲人更注重关系。 你可以创建一个全球统一体，它由最个人主义的国家---如美国或英国，和最集体主义的国家—比如中国或日本组成。
重视个体的国家都喜欢将权利和隐私放在首位。这些国家的人民大都过分看重个人技能，过高估计他们自身在团队中的重要作用。而在集体意识强大的国家里，人们更看重和谐与责任。他们往往过低估计自身的能力，当描述自身对团体的贡献时，个人的努力往往被忽略。
研究者们试图想弄明白什么样特定的文化导致了这种差异？有人说西方文化承袭了古希腊崇尚个人英雄主义的价值观，而其他的文化则缘自部落哲学。最近，一些科学家已从理论上将这一切归根到微生物。集体主义盛行的社会总是聚居在世界的某片区域，特别是赤道附近，那儿有大量可以致病的微生物。在这样的环境下，你只想躲避他们（outsider）？因为他们可能带来奇怪的疾病，并且有可能强制你遵从他们吃东西的习惯和社会规范。
不论是哪一种，个体意识强大的社会经济总是更发达。关于个体理性和意识在文艺复兴和启蒙运动中得到的发展，以及由此而带来的资本主义的繁荣兴旺，西方人有一个说法，那就是：社会越发展，人的个性化程度越高。
但是，如果集体主义社会摆脱了经济停滞的状态，结果将会怎样呢？如果集体主义社会、特别是那些亚洲国家，经济崛起并成为西方的对手，怎么办？一场新型
的全球性对话由此展开。
北京的开幕式就是这场对话的一个陈述。它是“发展不仅可以通过西方自由的方式，也可以通过东方集体式来实现”的中国论断的一个组成部分。
开幕式取材中国漫长的历史，但最引人注目的特色就是数千中国人的步调一致 --- 无论击鼓，群舞，千人一面，亦步亦趋。以前我们也见过这样的场面，但这是当今的集体主义，一个中国奇迹般的经济增长语境下的高科技的影象呈现。 如果亚洲的成功重新打开了个人主义和集体主义之间的争辩（冷战后这种争论似乎就停止了），那么个人主义横扫一切领域的情形将不复存在或者优势甚微。 一方面，地球上推崇个体个性化发展的国家就不太多，另一方面，许多最新的科学研究基本表明西方尊重个体选择的理想只是个幻象，中国人将社会语境放在首要位置是正确的。
科学家高兴地宣布，所谓合理的选择是通过潜意识一系列的作用产生的，比如情感的相互传染及爆发效应，同时人脑也是具有浸透性的（它们自然地受到周围人神经发射的影响）。关系是快乐的关键所在。社会关系网越广密，人气就越旺。反之，那些社会纽带薄弱的人更容易抑郁或自杀。
中国的兴起不仅仅是经济上的大事件，也是文化上的。集体和谐的理想有可能变得和美国梦的理想一样令人爱不释手。
对胸怀大志的autocrats来说，这无疑是一个有用的意识形态。
第三部分：研究报告
一、研究过程报告
收到小组研究课题，我们小组首先针对社会主义核心价值观进行了一番探讨，最后选定其中的“和谐”作为主线，进行深入挖掘，最后着眼于研究探讨个人主义与集体主义的区别，来深入阐述社会质疑核心价值观中的“和谐”内容。
二、研究对象基本情况介绍
1、文章出处
《纽约时报》
2、作者简介
美国政治和文化评论家
第三篇:《影响你一生的名人励志演讲》
影响你一生的名人励志演讲(视频+mp3+
演讲稿)--英语演讲专题 kira86 于2012-01-11发布 l 已有6383人浏览 我要评论( 0) | 英语专题 | 【字体：小大】 | 我要投稿
女性时尚生活杂志,免费阅读百度搜索原版英语可以找到本站
《影响你一生的名人励志演讲》收录了19篇英语演讲，演讲者来自政治、经济、文化等各个领域。本书共分为五章，分别为国家领袖、政治人物、商界精英、作家记者和娱乐名人。精选出的这些演讲名篇题材涉猎广泛、风格迥异，有的气势恢宏，意蕴精深；有的轻松诙谐，令人捧腹；有的言辞恳切，语重心长。它们都有一个共同点：演讲者或立足于时代背景下或从个人自身经历出发，鼓舞人奋发向上、积极进取，做出个人应有的成绩，为时代、为国家做贡献。本书配有原版音频，让你最近距离感受这些最具影响力的声音。
国家领袖【外国名人的演讲稿】
梦想与责任——巴拉克·奥巴马 （>>查看演讲视频及双语演讲稿）
And even when you’re struggling, even when you’re discouraged, and you feel like other people have given up on you, don’t ever give up on yourself, because when you give up on yourself, you give up on your country. 即使当你苦苦挣扎、灰心丧气、感到其他人对你放弃时，也不要放弃自己，因为当你放弃自己时，你也抛弃了自己的国家。
Must Be Strong
我们必须强大——威廉·杰斐逊·克林顿
We must not waste the precious gift of this time. For all of us are on that same journey of our lives, and our journey, too, will come to an end. But the journey of our prefix = st1 ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags" America must go on.我们不能浪费当前宝贵的时机。
因为我们大家都在生命的同一旅途上，我们的旅途会有终点。但我们的美国之路必须走下去。
The Only Thing We Have to Fear Is Fear Itself
我们唯一害怕的是害怕本身——富兰克林·罗斯福（>>查看演讲音频及演讲稿中英对照）
The only thing we have to fear is fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.我们唯一害怕的 是害怕本身——这种难以名状、失去理智和毫无道理的恐惧，把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。
I Am Prepared to Die for an Ideal【外国名人的演讲稿】
为理想我愿献出生命——纳尔逊·曼德拉 （>>查看演讲音频及演讲稿中英对照）
I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to see realized. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.
我反对白人统治，也反对黑人统治。我珍视民主和自由社会的理想，在这个社会中，人人和睦相处，机会均等。我希望为这个理想而生，并希望能实现这个理想。但是如果需要，为理想我愿献出生命。
We Choose to Go to the Moon （>>查看演讲视频及英文演讲稿）
我们选择登月——约翰·肯尼迪
The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.我们学到的知识越多，认识到的无知就越多。
Never Tiring, Never Yielding, Never Finishing
永不疲惫，永不气馁，永不完竭——乔治·布什
Never tiring, never yielding, neverfinishing, we renew that purpose today; to make our country more just and generous; to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.永 不疲惫，永不气馁，永不完竭，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、 更加慷慨，去体现我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。
政治人物
I Have a Dream （>>查看演讲音频及英文演讲稿）
我有一个梦想——马丁·路德·金
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.朋友们，今天我要对你们说，千万不要沉沦在绝望的深谷里。尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦想。这个梦想深深植根于美国梦之中。【外国名人的演讲稿】
I Quit, but I Will Continue the Fight【外国名人的演讲稿】
我放弃了，但我会继续战斗——希拉里·克林顿
On the day we live in an America where no child, no man, and no woman is without health insurance, we will live in a stronger America. That’s why we need to help elect Barack Obama our president. 当我们有朝一日居住在一个让每个孩子、每个男人、每个女人都享有医疗保障的美国时，我们便拥有了一个更强大的美国。这就是为什么我们要帮助巴拉克·奥巴马竞选总统职位。
Building the Foundations for Success
为成功做好准备——安妮·德·萨里斯
Knowing who we are and being confident enough to do what matters to us — that’s
what counts. 了解自己，满怀自信，做好我们认为重要的事情，这才是最重要的。
Let’s Elect Barack Obama President of USA
让我们选举巴拉克·奥巴马为美利坚合众国总统——米歇尔·奥巴马
He knows that thread that connects us: our belief in America's promise, our commitment to our children's future — he knows that that thread is strong enough to hold us together as one nation even when we disagree.他知道联系我们的纽带是什么，那是我们对美国的信任，是我们对孩子未来的承诺——他知道这些纽带有足够强大的力量把我们作为一个完整的国家团结在一起，即使我们意见不一致。
商界精英
Unleashing Your Creativity （>>查看演讲稿中英文对照）
释放你的创造力——比尔·盖茨
And I believe that through our natural inventiveness, creativity and willingness to solve tough problems, we're going to make some amazing achievements in all these
areas in my lifetime.我相信，凭借人类与生俱来的发明创造能力和不畏艰难、坚韧不拔
的品格，在我的有生之年里我们将在所有这些领域都创造出可喜的成就。
Grab Your Dreams When It Shows Up
当梦想来临时抓住它——拉里·佩奇
Overall, I know it seems like the world is crumbling out there, but it is actually a great time in your life to get a little crazy, follow your curiosity, and be ambitious about it. Don't give up on your dreams. The world needs you all!总而言之，我知道这个世界看起来已支离破碎，但这确实是你们人生中一个伟大的时代，你们可以疯狂一点，追随你们的好奇心，积极进取。不要放弃梦想。世界需要你们。
We Are What We Choose （>>查看演讲稿视频及双语演讲稿）
选择塑造人生——杰夫·贝索斯
Cleverness is a gift, kindness is a choice. Gifts are easy — they're given after all. Choices can be hard. You can seduce yourself with your gifts if you're not careful, and if you do, it'll probably be to the detriment of your choices.聪明是一种天赋，而善良是 一种选择。天赋得来很容易——毕竟它们与生俱来。而选择却颇为艰难。如果一不小心， 你可能被天赋所诱惑，这可能会损害到你做出的选择。
作家记者
The Spirit of Man
人类的精神——威廉·福克纳
He is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance.人之不朽不是因为在动物中唯独他永远能发言，而是因为他有灵魂，有同情心、牺牲和忍耐精神。
Tribute to Diana （>>查看英文演讲稿）
致戴安娜——查尔斯·斯宾塞
Diana was the very essence of compassion, of duty, of style, of beauty. All over the world she was a symbol of selfless humanity. All over the world, a standard bearer for the right of the truly downtrodden, a very British girl who transcend nationality, someone with a natural nobility who was classless.
在全世界，戴安娜是同情心、责任心、风度和美丽的化身，是无私和人道的象征，是维护真正被践踏的权益的旗手，是一个超越国界的英国女孩，是一个带有自然的高贵气质的人，是一个不分阶层的人。
Follow Your Bliss, Follow Your Heart（>>查看演讲音频及英文演讲稿）
追随你的幸福,倾听你的心声——安德森·库珀
But it actually was the best thing that ever happened to me. I decided that if no one would give me a chance, I’d have to take a chance, and if no one would give me an opportunity, I would have to create my own opportunity.但这次失败却成了我人生中最有价值的经历。我下定决心，如果没人给我机会，我就自己寻找机会；如果没人给我机会，我就自己创造机会。
娱乐名人
Failure Is an Option, but Fear Is Not（>>查看演讲视频及演讲稿中英双语对照）
失败是一个选项，但畏惧不是——詹姆斯·卡梅隆
So, that's the thought I would leave you with, is that in whatever you're doing, failure is an option, but fear is not.
所以，这是我想给你的想法，不管你做什么，失败是 一个选项，但畏惧不是。
Feelings, Failure and Finding Happiness (点我去查看奥普拉演讲视频和双语演讲稿)
感觉、失败及寻找幸福——奥普拉·温弗瑞
——美国著名电视节目主持人奥普拉·温弗瑞2008年在斯坦福大学毕业典礼上发表的演讲
If you really want to fly, just harness your power to your passion. Honor your calling. Everybody has one. Trust your heart and success will come to you.如果你真的 想要飞翔，就把力量投入到你的激情当中。尊重你内心的召唤。每一个人都会有内心的 召唤。相信你的内心，你就会取得成功。
第四篇:《名人演讲稿3》
您所在的位置：世界名人演说精粹＞ 更多精彩下载，请登陆(免费电子书网) 伯里克利 约公元前495——公元前429 古雅典政治家、战略家，出身名门，24岁从政，善于思辨。受哲学家阿那克萨哥拉民主思想的影响，推崇奴隶主民主政治。公元前444年当选将军，连续15年执掌军权，成为雅典的实际统治者。当政期间，对内推行和完善奴隶主民主制，废除任职财产资格限制，鼓励工商业和文化发展；对外与波斯言和，加强提洛同盟，维护雅典海上利益，使雅典进入鼎盛时期，成为“希腊的学校”。为称雄希腊地区，公元前431年率兵迎战斯巴达，史称“伯罗奔尼撒战争”。初期互有胜负，但战局发展对雅典不利。公元前430年在攻讦声中落选将军，并被课以巨额罚金。次年再度当选。不料瘟疫席卷雅典，染疾而终。本葛是为悼念在伯罗奔尼撒战争中阵亡的将士而作，被认为是描述雅典奴隶主民主政治的范文。通篇说理缜密，讲求词藻，刻意铺陈，以繁茂取胜，反映了当时诡辩学派修辞家的影响。 论雅典之所以伟大 公元前431年 我们为有这样的政体而感到喜悦。我们不羡慕邻国的法律，因为我们的政体是其他国家的楷模，而且是雅典的独创。我们这个政体叫做民主政体。 ①它不是为少数人，而是为全 ① 即奴隶主民主制。体人民。 ②无论能力大小，人人都享有法律所保障的普遍平 ② “全体人民”实际上指奴隶主和自由民，不包括奴隶在内。 等，并在成绩卓著时得享功名，担任公职的权利不属于哪个家族，而是贤者方可为之。家境贫寒不成其为障碍。无论何人，只要为祖国效力，都可以不受阻碍地从默默无闻到步步荣升。我们可以畅通无阻地从一个职位走向另一个职位；我们无所顾忌地共享亲密无间的日常生活；我们既不会为邻人的我行我素而烦恼，也不全面露不豫之色—— 这有伤和气，却无补于事。这祥，我们一方面自由而善意地与人交往，另一方面又不敢以任何理由触犯公益，因为我们遵从法庭和法律，特别是那些保护受害者的法律，以及那些虽未成文，但违反了即为耻辱的法律。另外，为了陶冶身心，我国法律还规定了十分频繁的节假日。赛会和祭祀终年不断。届时美不胜收，蔚为大观，欢愉的气氛驱散了忧郁。我们的雅典如此伟大，致使宇内各地的产品云集于此。这些精美产品和国内产品一样，给雅典人带来了习以为常的乐趣。我们在军事政策上也胜过敌人，我们的方针与敌人的方针截然不同。雅典向世界敞开大门。我们并不担心敌人会窥得那些从不隐藏的秘密，使我们蒙受损失，也从不以此为由【外国名人的演讲稿】
，把前来寻求进步和猎奇的外国人驱逐出境。比较而言，我们不大依靠战备和谋略，而是信赖公民们与生俱来的爱国热忱和行动。在教育方面，某些国家的人从小就簧接受严酷的训练，以便在成年后承受辛劳；我们雅典人的生活尽管温文尔雅，却能象他们一样勇敢地面对任何战争危险。在生活方式上，我们既文雅，又简朴，既培育着哲理，又 不至于削弱思考。我们以乐善好施而非自我吹嘘来显本自己的富有，承认贫困并不可耻，无力摆脱贫困才确实可耻。我们既关心个人事务，又关心国家大事；即便那些为生活而奔忙的人，也不乏足够的参政能力。因为唯独雅典人才认为，不参与国事乃平庸之辈，而不止是懒汉。我们能作出最准确的判断，并善于捕捉事情的隐患。我们不认为言论会妨碍行动，而认为在未经辩论并充分作好准备之前，不应贸然行动。这是雅典人与众不同的优点：行动时我们勇气百倍，行动前却要就各项措施的利弊展开辩论。有些人的勇气来自无知，深息熟虑后却成了懦夫。毫无疑问，那些深知战争的灾患与和平的甜美，因而能临危不惧的人，才称得上具有最伟大的灵魂。我们在行善方面也与众多的民族不同。我们不是靠接受承诺，而是靠承担义务来维护友谊。根据感恩图报之常理，施惠人对受惠人拥有优势；后者由于欠了前者的情，不得不扮演比较乏味的角色，他觉得报答之举不过是一种偿还，而不是一项义务。只有雅典人才极度乐善好施，但不是出于私利，而是纯属慷慨。综述未尽之言，我只想加上一句：我们雅典总的来说是希腊的学校，我们之中的每一个人都具备了完美的素质，都有资格走向沸腾的生活的各个方面，都有最优雅的言行举止和最迅速的办事作风。 至于你们这些幸存者，你们可以为改善命运而祈祷，但也应把保持这种英勇抗敌的精神和激情视为己任。不要仅凭高谈阔论来判定这样做的利弊。因为每一个夸夸其谈的人，都能把众所周知的道理和奋勇抗敌的益处诉说一遍。你们要把祖国日益壮大的景象系在心上，并为之着迷。等你们真正领悟到了雅典的伟大，你们再扪心自问，雅典之伟大乃是由那些刚毅不拔，深知己任，在战斗中时刻有着荣誉感的将士们缔造的。一但他们的努力不能成功，需要他们以大无畏气概来报效祖国，他们不认为这是耻辱，因而作出了最崇高的奉献。他们就这样为国捐躯了。他们中的每个人都将千古流芳。他们的陵墓将永放光华，因为这不仅是安葬英灵的墓穴，而且是铭刻英名的丰碑。无论何时，只要谈到荣誉或实践荣誉，人们就会提到他们，他们永垂不朽。 更多精
彩下载，请登陆(免费电子书网)
第五篇:《名人演讲稿》
科学有什么用?
演讲时间：2016年4月2日
——中国科学院高能物理研究所所长王贻芳在《开讲啦》第182期的励志
演讲稿
我为什么会想到讲这个题目，因为大家都会问我：你做的是什么?这有什么用?那我通常的回答是：没什么用的。下面就讲不下去了，经常是这样的。所以，我今天就想讲一讲，科学到底有什么用?还有像中微子这样的研究，看起来非常深奥，看起来跟我们的日常生活离得非常远，到底有什么用呢?
中国的历史，四大发明主要还是靠技术。那么在中国的传统当中，其实是没有科学的。四大发明的火药，我们就没有发展出化学;指南针也没有发展出物理，所以在整个中国的历史当中，没有科学的传统。反过来看西方，他们有古希腊，所以有几何学、逻辑学，所以通过逻辑推理推演，他们发展出一整套的科学体系，所以科学在中国，应该说是一个不太有历史的，是西方的舶来品。
实际上中国真正的科学教育起缘，是从1905年中国废除了科举制度后，西方的正式的科学教育才真正地引入了中国，普遍的百姓可以去学习数学、物理、化学等等。
那时我们深切地感受到鸦片战争以来的痛苦，使得国家的教育体系要改变掉，要把科学真正地引入进来。其实鸦片战争失败以后，中国并不是没有向西方学习，我们打开了大门，引进了大量西方的技术，买了他们的枪炮。当年的北洋舰队，实际上是亚洲最强的舰队，吨位远远超过日本，但还是在甲午战争失败。
为什么?我们学的都是人家的技术，因为这个东西有用。我们没有在一八六几年的时候，就把西方的科学引进到中国来。在那个时候我们所有的科学名词，很多的都是从日本来的，因为日本在明治维新的时候，打开了大门，不仅仅是买人的枪、买人家的炮，同时引进了科学，他们整个的科学体系比我们早建立了几十年。
大家从这个历史可以看到，缺乏科学，只是看这个东西有没有用，急功近利的话，最终得到的只是皮毛。所以从根本上来说，科学应该是主干，技术是长在主干上，发展出来的枝叶，所以没有科学，只去做技术，或者经常地去问，这东西有没有用，最终其实什么也得不到。
所以这是今天我要讲的，科学有什么用?第一个观点就是科学是技术之本，是一切的本源，所以发展科学是我们要做的一件最根本的事情。
科学的第二个用处，其实文明的一部分。在教科书里，我们很少看到有中国人的名字;在国际上，各种各样的科学发明，中国是很缺席的。西方国家为什么会走到这一步?也是文明的一个标志，早希腊的时候，就把这个科学建铸在文明的体系里面。这就像中国，一旦经济发展了，有一点点经济基础，就会发展艺术、音乐、文学……那么科学实际上也应该是文明的一部分，就是我的经济有了一定的基础以后，应该去探究，这个世界到底是怎么来的?应该经常地去仰望天空，知道这个宇宙是怎么回事，这是我们对世界的根本追求，使得我们永远有一个动力追求科学的真理，追求宇宙的根本构成，知道我们生活在什么样的一个世界，知道我们为什么来，将来还会发展到什么地方。
第三个就是科学实际上教给我们一个科学的方法论，根本的方法论其实两部分，一部分是逻辑推理，所以由古希腊以后，给了我们一整套所谓推理的方法。
科学的第二个主要的部分是归纳，从培根以来实证科学使得西方的科学建立在归纳推理和实验的这两个根本支柱上面。应该说这些科学的方法都是从西方来，中国在自己的文明发展历史上，这些东西不在我们的血液里面，没有真正地体会到。所以科学的方法论，在我们的社会上实际上是很缺乏的。
所以你们看一看，社会上各种各样的现象，比如说经常会有各种各样的大师，说一些莫名其妙的事情，有很多人相信的。但是很少人真的去用科学的方法问一下：这个东西是不是真的是很合理，或者这个事情是不是真的有证据支持。所以整个社会，在很多方面缺乏一个科学的思想和科学的方法。在这方面，如果能够更多的让百姓，让青年人掌握科学的方法论，整个社会会走得更好。
大家都知道，科学最终会发展出各种各样的技术，所以今天的量子论也好，相对论也好，都会成为日常生活所用到的。各种各样的技术和用途，使得我们的生活，在今天能够有这么发达。但是科学的主要目的，不在这第四点，而在前面的三点。我们应该把科学真正地融合在整个社会发展的根基当中，使得科学成为国家文明的一部分。
经常有人说你做这个科学，你要么有用，要么能得个诺贝尔奖，你两个一样都没有，做这个研究干什么呢?我想讲一个简单的例子，你们现在都用手机，都有移动互联网，十年前我们大家都用的一般的计算机里的互联网，我不知道在座有多少人知道互联网从哪来的，谁发明的。
实际上在1989年的时候，欧洲的物理学家因为要建设大型强子对撞机，来寻找希格斯粒子，他们需要解决一个重大的问题，就是科学家之间需要相互交流大量的数据和程序的，而这个交流在过去是通过E-mail(电子邮件)来做的。
E-mail(电子邮件)是美国军方发明的，而这个E-mail(电子邮件)显然在80年代末90年代初的时候，科学家发现不能满足他们的要求，所以欧洲核子中心的计算机科学家，为了满足物理学家的要求，就发明了世界上第一个网络的互联装置，所以这个世界上的第一个browser(浏览器)就是欧洲核子中心发明的。
那么通过这几十年的发展，大家可以看到，这个互联网彻底改变了我们的生活，或者它对经济的贡献已经是无法用金钱来计算的，所以这就是科学家在科学的研究当中，会产生这样的重大的贡献，所以欧洲核子中心，不仅是科学的中心，也是技术的中心，它给我们社会生活，带来了巨大的贡献。
所以我们要追求的不是一个诺贝尔奖，而是要追求掌握人类的各种各样的知识，集合人类的共同的能力，能够建造这样一个中国的科学中心，使得我们的未来，中国的科学发展，也能够成为世界的科学中心之一。至少对中国的科学家来说，这是我们的一个目标。
经过几十年的发展，我们中国的科学应该说，已经打下了一个很好的基础，那未来我们应该怎么办?今天我们中国的基础科学，大概在国际上的投入第三名或者是第二名，有各种不同的说法。但是我们的基础科学，占我们的整个的R&D(研发经费)的比重只有5%左右，那么国际上基本上是在10%到20%，大部分国家在15%。从这个比例就可以看到，我们的政府，我们的民众对基础科学的认识，还不够重要。所以，我今天想说的就是，大家应该对基础科学有一个更好的认识。要知道它是我们文明的一部分，它是我们强身健体，成为世界上伟大国家的一部分。它个成为一个文明的国家，使得我们成为对人类文明有贡献的民族，能够立身于世界之林的一个重要方面。没有对科学的贡献，我们在国际的
影响力会非常小，所以我们应该从更高的层次上，认识基础科学。对国家发展，对未来发展，长远发展的一个重要性，使得我们的后代，不会在学科学的时候，看到所有的名字都是外国人。
也许过一百年以后、两百年以后、五百年以后，我们会看到很多中国人的名字，写在科学的教科书上，使得我们的科学真正地在将来，能够深刻地把科学的基因，能够溶解在我们民族的血液和文化里，使得我们把对科学的追求，对科学的研究，对科学的喜爱，能够真正成为我们本能的一部分，也许到那个时候，我们中华民族不光在经济上，在国际上有地位，同时在文化上、在文明上也有一个重要的国际地位。谢谢大家!
第六篇:《名人演讲稿——美国总统罗斯福演讲稿：民主政治的超级军火库（中英文）》
美国总统罗斯福演讲稿：民主政治的超级军火库（英文版）My friends:
This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.
Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their life's savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.
Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed in Berlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the United States.
The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: "There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other." And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: "Others are correct when they say: 'With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves.''' I can beat any other power in the world." So said the leader of the Nazis.
In other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.
At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are being engaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.
Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no "unwritten agreement." And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.
Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.
Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.
During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: "Please, Mr. President, don't frighten us by telling us the facts." Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.
Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hour's notice -- or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, "The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places." The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.
The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of "restoring order." Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are "protecting it" against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: "We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States"? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.
Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.
There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.
Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.
There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.
The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.
The American appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, and France. They tell you that the Axis powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved, that the United States might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. They call it a "negotiated peace." Nonsense! Is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of extermination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? For such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. It would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. And in these contests the Americas would offer the only real resistance to the Axis power. With all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of God in chains.
The history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. They may talk of a "new order" in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. In that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. The proposed "new order" is the very opposite of a United States of Europe or a United States of Asia. It is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. It is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. It is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.
The British people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. Our own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. Our ability to "keep out of war" is going to be affected by that outcome. Thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, I make the direct statement to the American people that there is far less chance of the United States getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the Axis than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an Axis victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on.
If we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. But I deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that I advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future.
The people of Europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. They ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. Emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them in sufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.
Let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. It will never be earlier. Tomorrow will be later than today.
Certain facts are self-evident.
In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. And they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. There is no demand for sending an American expeditionary force outside our own borders. There is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. You can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to Europe as deliberate untruth. Our national policy is not directed toward war. Its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.
Democracy's fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the United States and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. And it is no more un-neutral for us to do that than it is for Sweden, Russia, and other nations near Germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into Germany every day in the week.
We are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of Britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. This is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. It is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military experts who are in close touch with existing warfare. These military and naval experts and the members of the Congress and the Administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the United States.
This nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. And this great effort requires great sacrifice. I would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. The strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens. If our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers.
As the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to expect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. The worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. For the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. The nation expects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. It expects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. And on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.
Nine days ago I announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase the production of munitions. The appropriation of vast sums of money and a well-coordinated executive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. Guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of America. They have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. In this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. And I am very thankful.
American industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. Manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of Linotypes and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.
But all of our present efforts are not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more planes -- more of everything. And this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of "business as usual." This job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the existing productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. Our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. The possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. And after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country's peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. No pessimistic policy about the future of America shall delay the immediate expansion of those industries essential to defense. We need them.
I want to make it clear that it is the purpose of the nation to build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. We have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. I am confident that if and when production of consumer or luxury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, and will gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose.
So I appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. With this appeal I give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted extent to the great task that lies ahead.
As planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense experts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. The decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our overall military necessities.
We must be the great arsenal of democracy.
For us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. We must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war.
We have furnished the British great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no "bottlenecks" in our determination to aid Great Britain. No dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. The British have received invaluable military support from the heroic Greek Army and from the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.
I believe that the Axis powers are not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest and best of information.
We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope -- hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the profound conviction that the American people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.
美国总统罗斯福演讲稿：民主政治的超级军火库（中文版）
我的朋友们：
这不是战争的炉边谈话。这是关于国家安全的讲话；因为你们的总统的目的，关键是要保持现在的你，和你的孩子后，你的孙子要晚得多，从最后的战争来维护美国的独立，和所有的事情，美国的独立性意味着你和我，我们的。
今晚，面对世界性危机，我的思绪又回到了八年前的一个晚上的国内危机之中。当时的美国工业的车轮被磨到完全停止时，我们整个国家的银行体系已停止功能。我清楚地记得，当我坐在我的研究在白宫，准备在美国的人的谈话中，我曾在我的眼前所有美国人的图片的人我是说。我看到工人们在米尔斯，矿山，工厂，柜台后面的女孩，小掌柜，农民做他的春耕，寡妇和老男人不知道自己一生的积蓄。我试图传达给美国人民银行危机对他们意味着什么在他们的日常生活，大众。
今晚，我想做同样的事情，与相同的人，在这个新的危机，面临美国。我们遇到了1933的勇气和现实问题。我们面临新的危机，这对我们国家安全的新威胁，以同样的勇气和现实主义。以前从来没有从詹姆斯敦和普利茅斯摇滚我们的美国文明现在是危险。在今年的1940年9月27日————在柏林签署了一项协议，三个强大的国家，两个在欧洲和亚洲，连接起来的威胁，如果美国对美国的干扰或阻止这三个国家的扩张计划——一项旨在控制世界——他们会团结在最终的行动反对美国。
纳粹德国的主子们明确表示，他们打算不仅主宰一切的生活和他们自己国家的思想，但也使整个欧洲，然后利用欧洲的资源来统治世界。它只有三个星期前，他们的领导人说：“有两个世界，反对对方。”然后在挑衅的回答他的对手，他说：“别人都正确时，他们说：“这个世界上我们永远无法调和自己。”“我可以击败任何其他权力在世界上。“纳粹的领导人这样说。
换句话说，轴不仅仅承认，但轴宣称，最终没有可和平之间的哲学——他们的哲学的政府——和我们的政府理念。在这个不可否认的威胁的性质来看，可以说，正确和绝对，认为美国没有任何权利或理由鼓励谈论和平直到必当有对侵略国部分明确意图放弃所有的控制或征服世界的思想。
作为美国总统，我呼吁国家的努力。我叫它在这个国家，我们的爱和尊敬，我们很荣幸和骄傲的服务名称。我号召我们的人民有绝对的信心，我们共同的事业将极大的成功。
在这一时刻，所有人都联合起来反对自由生活正在举行远离海岸的美国军队。德国人和意大利人被封锁在大西洋彼岸的英国，由希腊人，以及数以千计的士兵和水手得以逃脱被征服的国家。在亚洲，日本正被另一个伟大的中华民族从事国防。在太平洋舰队。
我们中的一些人认为，战争在欧洲和亚洲，我们都不关心。但这是一个最重要的关注，美国，欧洲和亚洲的战争者不应获得导致这个半球海洋控制。一百一十七年前，梦露主义的构思是由我国政府在威胁这个半球的联盟在欧洲大陆面临的防御措施。此后，我们守在大西洋，与英国的邻居。没有条约。没有不成文的协议。”但有感觉，被历史证明是正确的，我们的邻居会在和平的方式解决争议。而事实上，此时的西半球始终没有来自欧洲和亚洲的侵略的整个期间。
有没有人真的相信，我们需要担心的攻击在美洲任何地方而自由英国仍然是我们最强大的海军在大西洋的邻居？有人相信，在另一方面，我们可以放心如果轴心国是我们的邻居那里吗？如果英国下山，轴心国将控制欧洲大陆，亚洲，非洲，亚洲和南半球，公海。他们将在一个位置，带来了巨大的军事和海军资源对这个半球。毫不夸张地说，在所有美洲我们都将生活在枪口——枪装满炸药的子弹，经济以及军事。我们要进入这整个世界的一个新的和可怕的时代，我们的大脑半球在内，将由武力威胁。而在这样一个世界生存下去，我们必须改变自己的永久战争的经济基础上军国主义的力量。
我们中的一些人认为，即使英国的瀑布，我们仍然是安全的，因为浩瀚的大西洋和太平洋。但这些海洋宽度不在三桅帆船的日子是什么。在一个点在非洲和巴西之间的距离是小于它是从华盛顿到丹佛，科罗拉多州，为轰炸机的最新型的五小时。在太平洋的北端，美国和亚洲几乎相互接触。为什么，甚至今天我们能飞的飞机从英国到新英格兰再不加油。记住：现代轰炸机范围日益增加。
在过去的一周在全国各地有很多人告诉我，他们希望我说今晚。几乎所有的人都表达了一个勇敢的渴望听到有关形势的严峻事实。【名人演讲稿——美国总统罗斯福演讲稿：民主政治的超级军火库（中英文）】名人演讲稿——美国总统罗斯福演讲稿：民主政治的超级军火库（中英文）。然而一封电报，表达，谁想要非礼勿视、非礼勿听少数的态度，即使他们在心里知道，邪恶的存在。那封电报请求我不要告诉了我们与缓解美国城市可以被任何敌对势力已经在这个西半球获得基地轰炸。这封电报大意是：“请你，总统先生，不要吓唬我们告诉我们的事实。“老实说，肯定是前面有危险——危险对我们必须做好准备。但我们知道，我们不能逃避危险，或对危险的恐惧，爬行到床上，把被子蒙住头。
欧洲一些国家的不干涉协定庄严德国束缚。其他国家是德国的保证永远不必担忧入侵。不干涉协定或不，事实上，他们被攻击，超限，扔到现代奴隶制一小时通知——甚至没有注意到这一切。作为一个流亡领袖之一，这些国家说一天我，”通知负量。这是给我的政府后，德国军队已经涌入我国一百处两个小时”。这些国家的命运告诉我们，生活在纳粹的枪口意味着什么。
纳粹已经由各种虔诚的欺诈行为。一个骗子是声称他们正处在一个国家为目的的“恢复秩序”。另一个原因是，他们占有或控制的国家，他们借口“保护”对别人的侵略。例如，德国已经表示，她是从英国占领比利时挽救比利时。她会再犹豫说任何南美国家：“我们正处在你保护你免遭美国的侵略？比利时今天是作为反对英国侵略基地，现在战斗的生活。和其他南美国家，在纳粹手中，总是会构成一个跳发生在这个半球的其它共和国的任何一个德国的进攻。
你们两个其他地方未来的分析更近，如果到德国纳粹赢得。就爱尔兰呢？将爱尔兰自由被允许在不自由的世界，一个惊人的宠物例外？或亚速尔群岛的岛屿，它还飞葡萄牙国旗经过五个世纪？你和我认为夏威夷是太平洋地区的防御前哨。然而，亚速尔群岛是大西洋更接近我们的海岸到夏威夷的另一边。
有人说，轴心国，不会有任何攻击欲望西半球。那是一厢情愿的破坏了许多被征服民族抵抗力量同样危险的形式。简单的事实是，纳粹党已经宣布，一次又一次，所有其他种族都是他们的人因此受到他们的命令。最重要的是，广大富饶的美洲是所有的一轮世界最诱人的战利品。
让我们不再盲目的自己，已压碎破坏和损坏的很多人已经在我们自己的大门的邪恶势力不可否认的事实。你的政府对他们很了解，每一天都是找出这些错误。他们的秘密使者都是我们自己和周边国家的活动。他们试图激起猜疑和纠纷，造成内乱。他们试图把资本和劳动，反之亦然。他们试图唤醒沉睡的种族和宗教仇恨长应已在这个国家没有的地方。他们在每一组中，促进不耐受是活跃的。他们利用自己结束自己的天然憎恶战争。这些麻烦的饲养者的目的只有一个。它是把我们的人，把他们分为敌对的团体和破坏我们的团结，粉碎了我们会为自己辩护。
也有美国公民，他们中的许多人在高的地方，谁，不知不觉地在大多数情况下，是协助及教唆这些药物的工作。我不收这些美国公民和外国代理人。但我却指控他们做这样的工作，独裁者们想在美国做的。这些人不仅相信我们可以通过关闭我们的眼睛，其他国家的命运，拯救我们自己的皮肤。他们中的一些人远远不止这些。他们说，我们可以而且应该成为朋友，甚至是轴心国伙伴。他们中的一些人甚至认为我们应该效法的独裁统治的方法。但美国人永远不会永远不会那样做。
过去两年的经验已经证明，毫无疑问，没有一个国家能安抚纳粹。没有人能驯服老虎变成一只小猫抚摸它。对残暴行为是不能姑息。有可以用燃烧弹没有推理。现在我们知道，一个国家可以与纳粹分子只有在彻底投降的代价的和平。【名人演讲稿——美国总统罗斯福演讲稿：民主政治的超级军火库（中英文）】文章名人演讲稿——美国总统罗斯福演讲稿：民主政治的超级军火库（中英文）出自
近几年来的历史证明，枪击链和集中营的不仅仅是短暂的工具，但现代独裁统治的祭坛。他们可以说是一个“新秩序”的世界，但他们心目中只有一个复兴的最古老和最坏的暴君。在没有自由，没有宗教，没有希望。所提出的“新秩序”是一个美国的欧洲或美国亚洲恰恰相反。它不是一个政府基于人民的同意。这不是一个普通的联盟，自尊的男人和女人来保护自己和自己的自由和尊严的压迫。这是一个邪恶联盟的权力和财富支配和奴役人类。
英国人和他们的盟友，现在正在进行积极的对抗这邪恶联盟。我们自己的未来的安全在很大程度上取决于这场战斗的结果。我们的“不战”的能力将取决于这个结果。思想上的今天和明天，我将直接声明美国人民有更少的机会，美国进入战争，如果我们所做的一切都是我们现在可以支持国家保卫自己免受攻击的轴比如果我们接受他们的失败，提交驯顺的轴线的胜利，和等待我们的将是在后来的另一场战争攻击的对象。
如果我们对自己诚实，我们必须承认有风险的任何过程中我们可以采取。但我深信，我国绝大多数人同意，我提倡的课程包括风险最小的现在和未来世界和平的最大希望的。
欧洲的人民在捍卫自己，不要求我们替他们打仗。他们问我们的战争，实现了飞机，坦克，大炮，货船，使他们能为自己的自由和我们的安全而战。重点，我们必须把这些武器给他们，让他们在足够量的迅速足以使我们和我们的孩子将被保存的痛苦和苦难的战争，其他人不得不忍受。
不要让失败主义者告诉我们，它是太晚了。它将不会早。明天要比今天更迟。
一定的事实是不言而喻的。
在军事上说，英国和英帝国的今天是抵抗征服世界的先锋。他们坚持战斗，这将永远活在人类的勇敢的故事。没有要求美国派远征军到国外。有没有意向你们政府的任何成员发送这样的力量。你可以因此，钉，钉约出兵欧洲任何故意不说话。我们的国家政策不是走向战争。它的唯一目的是让战争离开我们的国家和我们的人民远离。
民主的反对征服全世界正在帮助很大，必须更多的帮助很大，由美国重整军备和发送的每一盎司和军需供应每吨，我们可以备用帮助那些在前线守军。这是没有更多的中性点为我们做的比它是瑞典，俄罗斯，德国和其他国家附近把钢铁、矿石、石油和其他战争物资到德国一礼拜中的每一天。
我们最紧迫的我们自己的防卫计划，并在其庞大的规模就必须把英国和其他自由国家抵抗侵略战争的需要。这不是一个问题，情绪或有争议的个人意见。这是一个现实的，实际的军事政策，基于我们的军事专家谁有紧密的联系，与现有的战争的建议。这些军事和海军专家和国会的成员和政府有一个专一的目的：美国的防御。
这个国家正在产生的一切，在这紧急需要很大的努力，并尽速。这种努力需要伟大的牺牲。我会让无人防守的民主又不会保卫每个人对抗国家要与贫困。这个国家的强度不应以政府未能保护其公民的经济福祉稀释。如果我们的生产能力是有限的机器，它将永远记得这些机器的技能和工人的体力工作。
作为政府决意保护工人的权利，因此，国家有权要求人的机器将履行其全权防御的迫切需要。工人们拥有相同的人格尊严和有权的位置相同的安全工程师或经理或老板。为员工提供人力，原来的驱逐舰，和飞机，坦克和。国家希望我们的国防工业继续运行不受罢工或停工中断。预计，坚持管理和员工将自愿或法律手段调和他们之间的分歧，继续生产，所以急需的物资。在我们伟大的防御计划，经济方面我们是，你知道的，弯曲的一切努力，生活成本的稳定性保持稳定的价格。
九天前我宣布建立一个更有效的组织来指导我们的巨大努力增加军火生产。的巨额资金拨款和协调执行方向我们的防御措施本身并不足够。枪炮，飞机，船舶和其他许多事情都必须建立在工厂和美国的核武库。他们必须由工人和管理人员和工程师制作的这反过来又是由成千上万的工人在陆地的机器的帮助。在这个伟大的工作已经有政府、行业和劳动之间的良好合作。我很感激。
美国工业界的天才，无与伦比的全世界的生产问题的解决，已经呼吁，将以其聪明才智为行动。的手表制造商，农具，对linotypes和收银机和汽车，和缝纫机和割草机和机车，现在使熔断器和炸弹的包装箱和望远镜支架和贝壳和手枪和坦克。
但我们所有的努力是不够的。我们必须有更多的船只，更多的枪支，更多的飞机——更多的东西。【名人演讲稿——美国总统罗斯福演讲稿：民主政治的超级军火库（中英文）】演讲稿
因此我号召工厂的业主，对管理人员，对工人，我们自己的政府雇员把一点一滴的努力为生产军火和毫不吝惜地。这一呼吁我给你的承诺，我们所有的人都是你的政府官员将致力于同全心全意地去谎言的伟大任务。
由于生产，大炮和炮弹的政府，它的国防专家，可以决定如何最好地使用它们来保卫这个半球。决定把多少将被派往国外，多少要留在家里，必须对我们的整体军事用品的基础上。
我们必须成为民主国家的兵工厂。
对我们来说这是紧急和战争本身一样严重。我们必须致力于我们的任务具有相同的分辨率，同样的紧迫感，同样的爱国主义精神和牺牲，我们将展示我们的战争。
我们已经给英国伟大的物质上的支持，我们将为今后更远。将不会有“瓶颈”决心帮助英国。没有独裁者，没有结合的独裁者，将削弱的威胁，确定如何解释，测定。英国已收到从英雄的希腊军队从流亡在外的所有政府军队宝贵的军事支持。他们的力量是成长。这是男人和女人谁珍惜他们的自由生活比他们的价值更高的强度。
我相信，轴心国不会赢得这场战争。我相信最新和最好的信息库。
我们没有理由失败。我们有理由希望——希望和平，是的，希望对我们文明的防御和在未来更好的文明建设。我认为美国人民现在决定提出一个更强大的力量比他们曾经还增加我们的防御所有实现生产的信念，以满足我们的民主信仰的威胁。
作为美国总统，我呼吁国家的努力。我叫它在这个国家，我们的爱和尊敬，我们很荣幸和骄傲的服务名称。我号召我们的人民有绝对的信心，我们共同的事业将极大的成功。
第七篇:《名人演讲稿——美国总统奥巴马连任胜选演讲稿》
谢谢，非常感谢。今晚，是在一个殖民地赢得它自主权200多年之后，我们来到这里，不断前行，这主要是因为你们坚信这个国家能够实现永恒的希望，实现移民想的梦想，我们是一个大家庭，我们共同以一个国家，一个民族奋斗。
我要感谢每位参加这次选举的人，不管你是从第一天就投票了，还是一直等待了很长的时间才投的票。当然了，我们要解决这个排队投票的问题。不管你是自己上门投的票，还是打电话投的票，不管你是投了给我，还是投给罗姆尼，你的声音都被大家听到了，并且你对我们国家做出了某些改变，刚刚我跟罗姆尼通了电话，我祝贺他在这个艰难卓绝的战役当中所取得的胜利。
我们这场战役是十分激烈，但是这正是因为我们深爱着这个国家，并且我们十分在意他的未来。从罗姆尼整个家庭，孙子辈，孩子辈，整个家庭都献给了美国，这种精神我们将永远铭记。未来这几周我也希望和罗姆尼一起来讨论怎么样使我们的国家不断前进。我要感谢我的朋友，我的搭档，这是我四年来最好的搭档，也是美国历史上最好的副总统John
baidn如果没有他，今天我就不会站在这里，如果没有20年前跟我结婚的妻子，今天我就不会站在这里。我要跟大家说，妻子，我比以前更加爱你，我更加自豪，因为我看到全国人民也十分热爱你这位第一夫人，我感到十分自豪。【名人演讲稿——美国总统奥巴马连任胜选演讲稿】名人演讲稿——美国总统奥巴马连任胜选演讲稿。
对我的女儿，两位女儿，你们一天天在成长，你们成为了两位向你们的妈妈一样的淑女、美丽，有才华，我也为你们感到骄傲，但是目前我觉得给你们养一条宠物狗就够了。我还要感谢我的竞选团队和志愿者，他们是历史上最棒的。他们是最好的，最棒的，而且是史上最棒的。有些人是第一次来听我的演说，有些人四年前就听了我的获胜演说，但是每个人对我来讲都是我的一分子，不管你做了什么，不管你去了哪里，你一定会记得我们今天晚上所创的历史，你会一生都感激今天晚上的时刻，而且你们会一直记得有一个心怀感激的总统，我要感谢你们所做的每一件事情，正是因为有了你们，我才会一路坚持下来。我对此将永远感谢，不管你做的什么，你们所做的一切我都心怀感激，并且永远鸣谢。
我知道这些政治的竞选，可能有的时候看起来很愚蠢，而且我们也听到很多人跟我们讲政治有的时候十分愚蠢，可能他只是利益的追求和冲突，但是如果你们真的有机会去机会和竞选活动上和人们谈论一些问题，或者你看到一些竞选团队，非常辛勤工作的志愿者们，你们的印象会有所改观，因为你们能听到这些年轻的组织者他们的决心，你能够看到他们在面临这个机会的时候，是有多大的决心。你还会听到群众，还有志愿者，他们上门挨家挨户的进行竞选。你也会听到我们深深的爱国情绪在针对的成员的爱国情绪，因为我们相信那些曾经为我们国家抛头颅撒洒血的军队，他们不应该在工作上遇到任何问题，这就是为什么我们要进行大选。
这并不是一件小事实，这是至关重要的事。举足轻重的事，我们国家的民主，我们3亿人民的民主的情绪可能十分复杂，可能十分混乱，每个人可能都有自己的观点，每个人都有自己深深的信仰，但是在我们经过艰难时刻的时候，当我们做出艰难的抉择时，我们很自然会有冲突，会有情感的表达。但是我认为它不应当影响我们今晚的表现，我们有的争论是民主的象征，而且我们不应当忘记在世界上很多别的国家，他们都正在为自由言论，自由讨论民主这样的权利所奋斗，所努力。【名人演讲稿——美国总统奥巴马连任胜选演讲稿】文章名人演讲稿——美国总统奥巴马连任胜选演讲稿出自http://
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